B.J.P WILL NEVER WIN BENGAL , IT WILL WIN BIHAR HANDSDOWN IF NEEDED BE

Pic - :: Single Handed Effort, Like  in  Eating Or In The Act Of Preparing Meals Or Foodstuff , Now Is Never The " ARTS " Of Politics , And Bengal Needs A " EXCLUSIVE DIFFERENT " Kind Of A Hand For Cooking 

Do you think that BJP will win in Bihar and West Bengal in upcoming elections?

Being a  Bengalite, I can tell it is highly unlikely BJP will come in power. If the B.J.P still continues the way, that it continued to this day, and in 2021, IT CAN NEVER WIN BENGAL BY ANY CHANCE AND BY ANY CASE. 

" FRANKLY - A SIXTEEN PAGE ANALYSIS HAS BEEN HANDED TO Mr MODI WAY BACK AND THE LETTER WAS SEND TO HIS ADDRESS WHERE HE STAYS , AND IF THAT LETTER HAS BEEN USED AS A TISSUE PAPER TO CLEAN THE SHIT AFTER SHITTING, THE B.J.P TOO WOULD BE REDUCED TO " SHIT " AFTER THE BENGAL ELECTION IN 2026 .

MY LANGUAGE MAYBE CONSTRUED AS ANYTHING THAT ANYBODY AND THE B.J.P TAKES THAT- BUT THAT INFACT IS THE " ETERNAL " TRUTH THAT I HAD STATED IN THAT 16 PAGES ANALYSIS OF WEST BENGAL/BENGAL  AND IT IS UPTO THE B.J.P AND IT'S GUARD TO EITHER SPIT ON THE SAME OR MAKE USE OF THE SAME" . 

Taking that the B.J.P will " NEVER " make use of that sixteen pages analysis, I put here my view points as about HOW AND WHY THE B.J.P WILL LOSE BENGAL AND WIN BIHAR HANDSOMELY. 

Can BJP Win in Bihar and West Bengal? An In-Depth Analysis

Introduction

The Indian political landscape is an intricate web of identities, ideologies, historical legacies, and

socio-economic realities. Over the last decade, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has

successfully established itself as the dominant political force at the national level. Under the

leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the party has expanded far beyond its traditional

bastions of North and Western India, turning into a pan-Indian player. However, this expansion

has not been uniform. While BJP enjoys dominance in states like Uttar Pradesh, Madhya

Pradesh, Gujarat, and Karnataka, its growth in certain regions—particularly the eastern states of

Bihar and West Bengal—faces formidable challenges.

Bihar and West Bengal together account for more than 82  Lok Sabha seats, making them

crucial to any party aspiring for national supremacy. Their historical, cultural, and political

contexts differ significantly, but both represent regions where BJP’s Hindutva-driven politics and

developmental slogans encounter resistance from entrenched social structures, welfare politics,

and regional identity narratives.

BIHAR - THE SUCCESS OF THE TASTEFUL CUP OF TEA- :

In Bihar, BJP has achieved success but usually through alliances with regional forces such as

Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United). On its own, the BJP struggles to navigate Bihar’s deeply

caste-driven politics. In West Bengal, BJP emerged as a strong contender in the 2019 Lok

Sabha elections, securing 18 seats, but it failed to convert this momentum into victory during the

2021 Assembly elections, where Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) consolidated

its power with a landslide win.

In Bihar, Mr Nitish Kumar holds the key. Wherever, he moves and goes the POWER of the state would go in that direction. There are allies and good  friends but those are GOODY - GOODY AND BYE - BYE types of friends.They are with the N.D.A now but they can change their course if they feel so. Hence it is the CUP - OF - TEA, Mr NITISH KUMAR  who can serve the victory on the platter to the N.D.A or NOT if he is NOT with the N.D.A .

On his own TERMS and CONDITION, Mr Nitish Kumar holds about EIGHTEEN PERCENT of the votes  AND THAT MAKES THE DIFFERENCE TO THE FORTUNES OF BIHAR. This time around the N.D.A would cruise safely and would once again form their own Government at Bihar.

WEST BENGAL / BENGAL - MURDERERS, MARAUDERS, AND MORGUE OF ELECTION - ::

The reasons for BJP’s struggles, particularly in West Bengal, are complex: a large Muslim

population resistant to BJP’s Hindutva politics, a vast unemployed demographic tied to TMC’s

patronage and freebies, the exodus of Bengal’s educated classes, and widespread fear of

instability after decades of Communist rule , makes the things hard for Bengal to chew for a change as

 the voters- INTELLIGENT are waning in numbers. . At the same time, BJP’s own

strategies—overdependence on religious propaganda, weak, and " EXHAUSTIBLE "  local leadership,

 and lack of cultural rootedness—have hampered its growth.

This essay examines why BJP faces such difficulties, as compared to Bihar in  West Bengal, while also

exploring what it can do to improve its chances.

Bihar’s Political Landscape - ::

Bihar has long been regarded as the heartland of caste politics in India. Unlike many other

states where development, ideology, or leadership charisma plays the central role, Bihar’s

electoral landscape remains heavily shaped by caste alliances. The state’s politics since the

1990s has revolved around three major axes: (1) the Other Backward Classes (OBCs),

particularly Yadavs under Lalu Prasad Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), (2) the Kurmi-Koeri

communities represented by Nitish Kumar’s JD(U), and (3) the upper castes who traditionally

lean towards BJP.

BJP’s success in Bihar has never been entirely independent. In 2010, when the JD(U)-BJP

alliance swept the Assembly elections, it was largely due to Nitish Kumar’s popularity as a

“ VIKAS PURUSH ” (development man), supported by BJP’s cadre and upper-caste vote bank. In

contrast, when BJP contested alone, its performance weakened. 

The RJD retains a strong base at some critical and important bastion - ::

  Picking and choosing among Yadavs and Muslims, while Nitish’s JD(U) appeals to Kurmis, Koeris,

 and women voters who benefit from his welfare schemes like bicycle distribution and prohibition.

The 2024 Lok Sabha elections reaffirmed this trend: BJP performed decently but still relied on

alliances, while the RJD maintained its relevance. For BJP, Bihar remains a state where it

cannot dislodge regional players entirely. Its Hindutva politics finds some resonance but is often

overshadowed by the deeply entrenched caste arithmetic.

DIFFERENCE BETWEEN BIHAR AND BENGAL - ::

Thus, while Bihar remains electorally competitive, BJP’s future here depends less on ideological

battles and more on pragmatic alliances. Unlike West Bengal, where identity and cultural politics

dominate, Bihar remains anchored in caste coalitions.

West Bengal’s Political Landscape

West Bengal presents a very different story. Once a Congress bastion, the state experienced 34

years of uninterrupted Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front rule from 1977 to 2011.

This period deeply shaped Bengal’s political culture, emphasizing trade unionism, agrarian

reforms, and ideological mobilization. However, over time, the Left Front was perceived as

stagnant, corrupt, and hostile to industrial growth. In 2011, Mamata Banerjee’s TMC ended this

era with a historic victory, positioning herself as “Didi”—the people’s leader who would restore

Bengal’s dignity.

Since then, Mamata has consolidated her hold on Bengal by combining populist welfare

schemes, a strong grassroots organization, and an appeal to Bengali identity. Her

schemes—such as Kanyashree (for girls’ education), Swasthya Sathi (health insurance), and

Duare Sarkar (government services at the doorstep)—have created a direct connect with the

poor and marginalized.

BJP, which historically had little presence in Bengal, began gaining traction after 2014,

leveraging Modi’s popularity, disillusionment with TMC’s corruption, and Hindutva politics

following communal incidents. The 2019 Lok Sabha elections shocked observers when BJP

won 18 of 42 seats, signaling a saffron surge. However, in the 2021 Assembly elections, BJP’s

momentum stalled: despite a high-voltage campaign with Modi and Amit Shah at the forefront,

TMC won 213 of 294 seats - ::

This outcome highlighted Bengal’s resistance to BJP’s strategies. Unlike Hindi heartland states,

Bengal has a distinct cultural identity rooted in literature, cinema, intellectual traditions, and

linguistic pride. Voters here are less receptive to overt religious polarization and more

responsive to identity narratives framed around “Banglar meye” (Bengal’s daughter, referring to

Mamata) versus “Bahari” outsiders (BJP leaders from Delhi).

Why BJP Struggles in West Bengal

The reasons for BJP’s limited success in West Bengal can be traced to four major factors, each

interlinked with the state’s demographic and cultural realities.

1. The Demographic Challenge: Muslim Population

West Bengal’s population is around 35% Muslim, concentrated in districts like Murshidabad,

Malda, Uttar Dinajpur, and parts of South 24 Parganas. This demographic bloc votes

 

overwhelmingly against BJP due to its Hindutva ideology and perceived anti-minority stance.

Unlike in Uttar Pradesh or Assam, where BJP managed to consolidate Hindu votes to

counterbalance Muslim opposition, Bengal’s fragmented Hindu caste demographics make such

consolidation difficult. As a result, Muslims form a decisive vote bank that largely ensures TMC’s

victory in multiple constituencies.

Added to it is the " INFLUX " of the Muslims, from Myanmar, Nepal, Bangladesh and Pakistan

 in  particular The overwhelmimg population of about 5 crores Bangladeshi of which about one

 crore each  in Bihar and Bengal is the most glaring factor of Mamta Banerje and the T.M.C and

 its win. 

Pic - An Illustration Of Handsdown 

2. Dependence on TMC’s Patronage System

West Bengal faces high unemployment, particularly among the youth. Many depend on informal

patronage networks, local clubs, and welfare schemes funded by TMC. Critics call this “cut

money” politics—where funds are siphoned off or distributed selectively to loyalists. While

corrupt, this system creates economic dependency. For large sections of the unemployed and

poor, TMC is not just a political party but an economic lifeline. Voting against it risks losing

access to welfare benefits and local protection. BJP’s promises of development often fail to

compete with the immediate survival needs met by TMC’s patronage.

3. The Brain Drain of Bengal’s Educated Classes

West Bengal has long suffered from a brain drain. Educated professionals, engineers, doctors,

and entrepreneurs often leave the state for better opportunities elsewhere due to lack of

industries and political stagnation. Those who remain are either disengaged from politics or

cynical about change. This leaves a vacuum where informed, reform-minded voices are absent,

reducing BJP’s appeal among the educated urban elite. Unlike in states like Karnataka or

Maharashtra, where BJP connects with aspirational middle classes, Bengal’s middle class is

either absent or politically dormant.

 4. Fear of Change After CPI(M)’s Rule

Bengal’s voters still remember the turbulence during CPI(M)’s decline—political violence,

instability, and economic paralysis. After Mamata replaced them, many people are wary of

another drastic change. There is a collective fear that bringing BJP to power could trigger unrest

or even authoritarian politics. This fear of instability, combined with TMC’s projection of BJP as

outsiders imposing Hindi-Hindutva culture on Bengal, creates resistance among voters.

Stability, even if imperfect, feels safer than upheaval.

What BJP Can Do Differently

Beside those SIXTENN pages of ADVISE  and CONSULTANCY that I have put it on the paper

 for the B.J.P to act on it  , I advocate the following points for the B.J.P to take care about itself- :

If BJP is serious about challenging TMC in West Bengal, it needs to rethink its strategy. The

following four shifts could improve its chances:

1. Increase Face Value with Local Icons

TMC dominates the cultural sphere by mobilizing Tollywood celebrities, sports figures, and

intellectuals. BJP’s reliance on national figures like Modi and Shah alienates Bengali voters who

value local representation. To bridge this gap, BJP must nurture regional leaders and recruit

 respected cultural figures who embody Bengali pride. Without local faces, BJP remains an

outsider’s party.

2. Strengthen Ground-Level Leadership

BJP’s local leadership in Bengal is often seen as inexperienced, opportunistic, or disconnected

from grassroots realities. Unlike TMC’s cadres who engage in everyday problem-solving, BJP

leaders are more visible during elections than between them. For long-term success, BJP must

invest in building a strong local cadre base, addressing local grievances, and cultivating

community trust over years—not just during campaigns.

3. Tone Down Religious Propaganda

Over-reliance on Hindutva and religious polarization has limited returns in Bengal. The state’s

political culture, shaped by secular, leftist, and cultural traditions, resists overt communal

narratives. Instead, BJP should focus on development, industrialization, and job

creation—issues that resonate deeply with Bengal’s frustrated youth. By positioning itself as a

party of economic opportunity rather than religious identity, BJP could expand its appeal.

 4. Address Illegal Immigration Without Alienating Locals

Illegal immigration from Bangladesh remains a contentious issue. While BJP highlights it to

mobilize Hindus, its aggressive rhetoric often alienates local Bengali Muslims and moderates. A

balanced approach—securing borders, streamlining documentation, and ensuring

fairness—could help BJP project seriousness without appearing hostile to Bengal’s composite

culture. This requires nuance, not blunt polarizing slogans.

Conclusion

The prospects of BJP in Bihar and West Bengal reveal the limits of its national dominance. In

Bihar, the party’s fate hinges on alliances within a caste-driven political landscape. Alone, it

struggles to secure a majority, but in partnership with regional allies, it remains competitive. In

West Bengal, the situation is far more difficult. Despite making significant inroads in 2019, BJP

has failed to overcome four structural obstacles: the Muslim vote bank, TMC’s patronage-driven

welfare politics, the absence of an active educated middle class, and a fear of political

instability.

For BJP to succeed in Bengal, it must undergo a strategic shift: cultivating local leaders, building

grassroots trust, reducing dependence on Hindutva, and addressing real economic concerns.

Without this, its rise will remain limited to occasional surges rather than sustained power.

Ultimately, Bengal and Bihar remind us that Indian politics cannot be reduced to a single

formula. Regional identities, caste dynamics, welfare politics, and historical memories shape

 voter behavior as much as national charisma. For BJP, the road to power in these states is

neither impossible nor inevitable—it depends on whether the party can adapt from being a

national giant to becoming a locally rooted alternative

That Is It and that speaks all about it 

.Regards and Thanks

Pics

Mr Shyamal Bhattacharjee, the author was born at West Chirimiri Colliery at District Surguja, Chattisgarh on July 6th 1959 He received his early education at Carmel Convent School Bishrampur and later at Christ Church Boys' Higher Secondary School at Jabalpur. He later joined Hislop College at Nagpur and completed his graduation in Science and he also added a degree in  B A thereafter. He joined the HITAVADA, a leading dailies of Central India at Nagpur as a      Sub-Editor ( Sports ) but gave up to complete his MBA in 1984 He thereafter added a Diploma In Export Management. He has authored SEVEN   books namely Notable Quotes and Noble Thought published by Pustak Mahal in 2001 Indian Cricket : Faces That Changed It  published by Manas Publications in 2009 and Essential Of Office Management published by NBCA, Kolkatta  in 2012, GOLDEN QUOTES on INSPIRATION , SORROW , PEACE and LIFE published by B.F.C Publications, Lucknow, , and QUOTES:: Evolution and Origin of Management Electives by by BOOKSCLINIC  Publishing House , , Bilaspur , Chhattisgarh  ,From Dhyan To Dhan :: Indian Hockey - Sudden Death Or Extra Time published by   BOOKS CLINIC  Publishing House , Bilaspur , Chattisgarh and his FIRST book on Hindi poem, which reads as        " BHED HAI GEHRA - BAAT JARA SI "   and  MIDAS TOUCH AND MIRACLES OF INDIAN SPORTS , published by Books Clinics , Bilaspur , Chhattisgarh,  

He has a experience of about 35 years in Marketing , and Business Analytics .

Mr Shyamal Bhattacharjee, the author was born at West Chirimiri Colliery at District Surguja, Chattisgarh on July 6th 1959 He received his early education at Carmel Convent School Bishrampur and later at Christ Church Boys' Higher Secondary School at Jabalpur. He later joined Hislop College at Nagpur and completed his graduation in Science and he also added a degree in  B A thereafter. He joined the HITAVADA, a leading dailies of Central India at Nagpur as a      Sub-Editor ( Sports ) but gave up to complete his MBA in 1984 He thereafter added a Diploma In Export Management. He has authored EIGHT ,  books namely Notable Quotes and Noble Thought published by Pustak Mahal in 2001 Indian Cricket : Faces That Changed It  published by Manas Publications in 2009 and Essential Of Office Management published by NBCA, Kolkatta  in 2012, GOLDEN QUOTES on INSPIRATION , SORROW , PEACE and LIFE published by B.F.C Publications, Lucknow, , and QUOTES:: Evolution and Origin of Management Electives by by BOOKSCLINIC  Publishing House , , Bilaspur , Chhattisgarh  ,From Dhyan To Dhan :: Indian Hockey - Sudden Death Or Extra Time published by   BOOKS CLINIC  Publishing House , Bilaspur , Chattisgarh and his FIRST book on Hindi poem, which reads as        " BHED HAI GEHRA - BAAT JARA SI "   and  MIDAS TOUCH AND MIRACLES OF INDIAN SPORTS , published by Books Clinics , Bilaspur , Chhattisgarh,  

He has a experience of about 35 years in Marketing , and Business Analytics .